In а pаrtnership, а(n) __________ partner (оwner) actively manages the cоmpany and has unlimited liability fоr claims against the firm.
28) A client hаs а chest tube with drаinage system in place. The nurse оbserves that the tube was accidentally remоved. Which actiоn is priority?
Essаy Questiоn: Hоw did Americаns disаgree abоut the meaning of progress and national development in the early 19th century? Overview: In this assignment, you will write a four-paragraph essay in response to the question above. You will base your argument entirely on two historical documents provided in the course: James Madison’s 1815 speech to Congress on internal improvements and George Fitzhugh’s 1854 defense of slavery, both of which are included below. Analyze these sources carefully, using their content to support your interpretation of how Madison and Fitzhugh understood the idea of progress—and how deeply they disagreed. Quote each source to support your claims. Explain who said what and why. This is not just a summary. You are expected to take a position and support it with specific historical evidence. Think critically about what each document says, what it leaves out, and how each author connects their vision of progress to national identity. Essay Structure: Paragraph 1 – Introduction and Thesis (20 points) Introduce the issue: In the early 1800s, the U.S. was growing quickly, but the North and South were growing apart, and Americans disagreed about what that growth and progress should look like. End with a thesis statement that explains how the two sources represent different (and possibly conflicting) visions of American progress. Paragraphs 2 and 3 – Supporting Evidence (50 points total, 25 points each source) Example: Madison, in his 1815 speech, believed the federal government should invest in roads and canals to create a more united and prosperous nation. Each body paragraph should focus on a central idea that supports your thesis. Focus on analyzing Madison’s in paragraph 2, then focus on Fitzhugh in paragraph 3. Use your own voice and writing to make your argument and supporting points. Then, quote each source (Madison claimed that “…”) to support your points. Paragraph 4 – Conclusion (10 points) Summarize your main points. Offer a final insight about the stakes of these competing visions of American development. Clarity, Organization, and Writing Style Paragraphs should be logically organized and clearly written. Writing should be mostly free of grammatical or structural issues. Use your own words and explain ideas clearly. Avoid overly short or vague paragraphs. Quote directly from the sources to support your points. Frame each quote by pointing out who said it. (i.e. Madison argued that “…”) Sources: the two primary source excerpts are included below. Analyze these two sources. James Madison’s Annual Message to Congress, December 5, 1815 (Washington DC) Background: Madison began his speech by mentioning the armed conflicts that the U.S. had recently been involved in – conflict with Britain (War of 1812), with Native Americans, and with Algerian pirates in the Mediterranean, and the trouble the U.S. faced financially in paying for the war (including military personnel) and the need for a national currency. Below is an excerpt of his speech to Congress in Dec. 1815: Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. ….Notwithstanding the security for future repose which the United States, ought to find in their love of peace, and their constant respect for the rights of other nations, the Character of the times, particularly inculcates the lesson, that whether to prevent or repel danger, we ought not to be unprepared for it. This consideration will sufficiently recommend to Congress, a liberal provision for the immediate extension and gradual completion of the works of defence both fixed and floating, on our maritime frontier; and an adequate provision for guarding our inland frontier, against dangers to which certain portions of it may continue to be exposed. In adjusting the duties on imports, to the object of revenue, the influence of the tariff on manufactures, will necessarily present itself for consideration. However wise the Theory may be, which leaves to the sagacity and interest of individuals, the application of their industry and resources, there are in this, as in other cases, exceptions to the general rule. Besides the condition which the Theory itself implies, of a reciprocal adoption, by other nations, experience teaches, that so many circumstances must concur, in introducing and maturing manufacturing establishments, especially of the more complicated kinds, that a country may remain long without them, although sufficiently advanced, and in some respects even peculiarly fitted, for carrying them on with success. Under Circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress, and exhibited an efficiency, which justify the beleif, that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprizing Citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become, at an early day, not only safe against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth, and even of external commerce. In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will releive the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures, for articles necessary for the public defence, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures, where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently, impart and ensure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence, an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded. Among the means of advancing the public interest, the occasion is a proper one for recalling the attention of Congress, to the great importance of establishing throughout our country, the roads and Canals which can best be executed, under the national Authority. No objects within the circle of political economy, so richly repay the expence bestowed on them; there are none, the utility of which is more universally ascertained & acknowledged; none that do more honor to the Governments, whose wise and enlarged patriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any country which presents a field, where nature invites more the art of man, to compleat her own work, for his accomodation and benefit. These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for intercommunication, in bringing and binding more closely together, the various parts of our extended confederacy. Whilst the states individually, with a laudable enterprize & emulation, avail themselves of their local advantages, by new roads, by navigable Canals, and by improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the general Government is the more urged to similar undertakings, requiring a national jurisdiction, and national means, by the prospect of thus systematically completing so inestimable a work. And it is a happy reflection, that any defect of constitutional authority, which may be encountered, can be supplied in a mode, which the constitution itself has providently pointed out. The present is a favorable season also, for bringing again into view, the establishment of a national seminary of learning within the District of Columbia, and with means drawn from the property therein subject to the authority of the general Government: Such an Institution claims the patronage of Congress, as a monument of their solicitude for the advancement of knowledge, without which the blessings of liberty cannot be fully enjoyed, or long preserved; as a model, instructive in the formation of other Seminaries; as a nursery of enlightened preceptors; & as a central resort of youth and genius from every part of their Country, diffusing, on their return, examples of those national feelings, those liberal sentiments, and those congenial manners, which contribute cement to our union, and strength to the great political Fabric, of which that is the foundation. In closing this communication, I ought not to repress a sensibility in which you will unite, to the happy lot of our Country, and to the goodness of a Superintending providence, to which we are indebted for it. Whilst other portions of mankind are labouring under the distresses of war, or struggling with adversity in other forms, the United States are in the tranquil enjoyment of prosperous and honorable peace. In reviewing the scenes through which it has been attained, we can rejoice in the proofs given, that our political institutions, founded in human rights, and framed for their preservation, are equal to the severest trials of war, as well as adapted to the ordinary periods of repose…. It remains for the guardians of the public welfare, to persevere in that justice & good will towards other nations, which invite a return of these Sentiments towards the United States; to cherish Institutions, which guarantee their safety, and their liberties Civil and religious; and to combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce, an improvement of the natural advantages, and a protection and extension of the Independent resources, of our highly favored and happy Country. In all measures having such objects, my faithful co-operation will be afforded. James Madison End of Madison's Address, now here is the excerpt from George Fitzhugh: Excerpt from George Fitzhugh’s book, Sociology of the South, published in 1854. Liberty and equality are new things under the sun. The free states of antiquity abounded with slaves. The feudal system that supplanted Roman institutions changed the form of slavery, but brought with it neither liberty nor equality. France and the Northern States of our Union have alone fully and fairly tried the experiment of a social organization founded upon universal liberty and equality of rights. England has only approximated to this condition in her commercial and manufacturing cities. The examples of small communities in Europe are not fit exponents of the working of the system. In France and in our Northern States the experiment has already failed… we have conclusive proof that liberty and equality have not conduced to enhance the comfort or the happiness of the people. Crime and pauperism have increased. Riots, trades unions, strikes for higher wages, discontent breaking out into revolution, are things of daily occurrence, and show that the poor see and feel quite as clearly as the philosophers, that their condition is far worse under the new than under the old order of things…. The statistics of France, England and America show that pauperism and crime advance pari passu with liberty and equality. How can it be otherwise, when all society is combined to oppress the poor and weak minded? The rich man, however good he may be, employs the laborer who will work for the least wages. If he be a good man, his punctuality enables him to cheapen the wages of the poor man. The poor war with one another in the race of competition, in order to get employment, by underbidding; for laborers are more abundant than employers. Population increases faster than capital. Look to the situation of woman when she is thrown into this war of competition, and has to support herself by her daily wages. For the same or equally valuable services she gets not half the pay that man does, simply because the modesty of her sex prevents her from resorting to all the arts and means of competition which men employ. He who would emancipate woman, unless he could make her as coarse and strong in mind and body as man, would be her worst enemy; her subservience to and dependence on man, is necessary to her very existence. She is not a soldier fitted to enlist in the war of free competition. We do not set children and women free because they are not capable of taking care of themselves, not equal to the constant struggle of society. To set them free would be to give the lamb to the wolf to take care of. Society would quickly devour them. If the children of ten years of age were remitted to all the rights of person and property which men enjoy, all can perceive how soon ruin and penury would overtake them. But half of mankind are but grown-up children, and liberty is as fatal to them as it would be to children… Domestic slavery in the Southern States has produced the same results in elevating the character of the master that it did in Greece and Rome. He is lofty and independent in his sentiments, generous, affectionate, brave and eloquent; he is superior to the Northerner, in every thing but the arts of thrift… 2George Fitzhugh, Sociology for the South, or the Failure of Free Society (Richmond: 1854), 226, 230-231, 244246. Primary source is in the public domain. 3 But the chief and far most important enquiry is, how does slavery affect the condition of the slave? One of the wildest sects of Communists in France proposes not only to hold all property in common, but to divide the profits not according to each mans in-put and labor but according to each mans wants. Now this is precisely the system of domestic slavery with us. We provide for each slave, in old age and in infancy, in sickness and in health, not according to his labor, but according to his wants. The masters wants are most costly and refined, and he therefore gets a larger share of the profits. A Southern farm is the beau ideal of Communism; it is a joint concern, in which the slave consumes more than the master, of the coarse products, and is far happier, because although the concern may fail, he is always sure of a support; he is only transferred to another master to participate in the profits of another concern… There is no rivalry, no competition to get employment among slaves, as among free laborers. Nor is there a war between master and slave. The masters interest prevents his reducing the slaves allowance or wages in infancy or sickness, for he might lose the slave by so doing. His feeling for his slave never permits him to stint him in old age. The slaves are all well fed, well clad, have plenty of fuel, and are happy. They have no dread of the future no fear of want. A state of dependence is the only condition in which reciprocal affection can exist among human beings the only situation in which the war of competition ceases, and peace, amity and good will arise….