“By the end of 1949, only one out of three heroines in the women’s magazines was a career woman-and she was shown in the act of renouncing her career and discovering that what she really wanted to be was a housewife. In 1958, and again in 1959, I went through issue after issue of the three major women’s magazines (the fourth, Woman’s Home Companion, had died) without finding a single heroine who had a career, a commitment to any work, art, profession, or mission in the world, other  than “Occupation: housewife.” Only one in a hundred heroines had a job; even the young unmarried heroines no longer worked except at snaring a husband.” — Betty Friedan, journalist, The Feminine Mystique, published in 1963 For which labor issue, challenged by women since the early nineteenth century, did the women’s movement make some legal progress by the mid-to-late twentieth century?

“Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race even though the physical facilities and other ‘tangible’ factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal education opportunities? We believe that it does.  “[I]n finding that a segregated law school for Negroes could not provide them equal educational opportunities, this court relied in large part on ‘those qualities which are incapable of objective measurement but which make for greatness in a law school.  “Such considerations apply with added force to children in grade and high schools. To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.  “We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs… [are] deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the 14th Amendment.” — Supreme Court, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, May 17, 1954  Which of the following is the most important claim in the argument presented in this portion of the Brown verdict?   

In the parable, who does the son represent?

“It was in suburbs such as Garden Grove, Orange County [California] . . . that small groups of middle-class men and women met in their new tract homes, seeking to turn the tide of liberal dominance. Recruiting the like-minded, they organized study groups, opened ‘Freedom Forum’ bookstores, filled the rolls of the John Birch Society, entered school board races, and worked within the Republican Party, all in an urgent struggle to safeguard their particular vision of freedom and the American heritage. In doing so, they became the ground forces of a conservative revival—one that transformed conservatism from a marginal force preoccupied with communism in the early 1960s into a viable electoral contender by the decade’s end.” — Lisa McGirr, historian, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right, 2001 Which of the following historical developments could best be used as evidence to support McGirr’s argument in the excerpt?

“I have signed today an executive order providing for the establishment of a Peace Corps…. This Corps will be a pool of trained American men and women sent overseas by the U.S. Government or through private institutions and organizations to help foreign countries meet their urgent needs for skilled manpower….  In establishing our Peace Corps we intend to make full use of the resources and talents of private institutions and groups. Universities, voluntary agencies, labor unions and industry will be asked to share in this effort – contributing diverse sources of energy and imagination – making it clear that the responsibility for peace is the responsibility of our entire society.  “…. Our Peace Corps is not designed as an instrument of diplomacy or propaganda or ideological conflict. It is designed to permit our people to exercise more fully their responsibilities in the great common cause of world development.  “Life in the Peace Corps will not be easy. There will be no salary and allowances will be at a level sufficient only to maintain health and meet basic needs. Men and women will be expected to work and live alongside the nationals of the country in which they are stationed – doing the same work, eating the same food, talking the same language.  “… Every young American who participates in the Peace Corps – who works in a foreign land – will know that he or she is sharing in the great common task of bringing to man that decent way of life which is the foundation of freedom and a condition of peace.”  — John F. Kennedy, statement upon signing the order establishing the Peace Corps, 1961 President Kennedy’s primary goal in enacting the program escribed in the excerpt was most likely to  

“It is clear that the main element of any United States policy towards the Soviet Union must be that of a long-term, patient but firm and vigilant containment of Russian expansive tendencies…. It is clear that the United States cannot expect in the foreseeable future to enjoy political intimacy with the Soviet regime. It must continue to regard the Soviet Union as a rival, not a partner, in the political arena. It must continue to expect that Soviet policies will reflect no abstract love of peace and stability, no real faith in the possibility of a permanent happy coexistence of the Socialist and capitalist worlds, but rather a cautious, persistent pressure towards the disruption and weakening of all rival influence and rival power.”  —   Mr. X (George F. Kennan), State Department professional, “The Source of Soviet Conduct.” Foreign Affairs, July 1947. Which of the following best reflects the policies advocated in the above excerpt? 

“The Republican electoral triumph in 2004 was the culmination of a half-century of struggle by the Right to achieve political power in the United States.  In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, a small band of intellectuals launched a movement to stop what they saw as the advance of the collectivist state embodied in modern liberalism and the New Deal political order.  They were joined by anti-Communist activists across grassroots America…In their struggle against the dominant liberal state, conservatives gained control of the Republican party by defeating its liberal eastern wing.” –Donald T. Critchlow, historian, The Conservative Ascendancy: How the GOP Right Made Political History, 2007 The new conservative movement most consistently criticized modern liberalism by claiming that it

“We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was ‘well timed’ in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that ‘justice too long delayed is justice denied.’ We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter.” — Martin L. King Jr. African American leader, “Letter from Birmingham Jail”, 1963  “The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don’t have a peaceful revolution. You don’t have aturn-the-other-cheek revolution. There’s no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that’s nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It’s the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet…. That’s no revolution. Revolution is based on land…. Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation.” — Malcolm X, African American leader, “Message to the Grass Roots,” 1963 At the time the excerpts were written, Martin Luther King, Jr., disagreed with Malcolm X in that King believed that  

“We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was ‘well timed’ in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that ‘justice too long delayed is justice denied.’ We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter.” — Martin L. King Jr. African American leader, “Letter from Birmingham Jail”, 1963  “The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don’t have a peaceful revolution. You don’t have aturn-the-other-cheek revolution. There’s no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that’s nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It’s the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet…. That’s no revolution. Revolution is based on land…. Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation.” — Malcolm X, African American leader, “Message to the Grass Roots,” 1963 Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X shared the view that

An _____ is a person who philosophizes about art and related topics.